Book Description
A classic work in political philosophy, intellectual and cultural history, and economics, The Road to Serfdom has inspired and infuriated politicians, scholars, and general readers for half a century. Originally published in England in the spring of 1944—when Eleanor Roosevelt supported the efforts of Stalin, and Albert Einstein subscribed lock, stock, and barrel to the socialist program—The Road to Serfdom was seen as heretical for its passionate warning against the dangers of state control over the means of production. For F. A. Hayek, the collectivist idea of empowering government with increasing economic control would inevitably lead not to a utopia but to the horrors of nazi Germany and fascist Italy.
First published by the University of Chicago Press on September 18, 1944, The Road to Serfdom garnered immediate attention from the public, politicians, and scholars alike. The first printing of 2,000 copies was exhausted instantly, and within six months more than 30,000 were sold. In April of 1945, Reader's Digest published a condensed version of the book, and soon thereafter the Book-of-the-Month Club distributed this condensation to more than 600,000 readers. A perennial best-seller, the book has sold over a quarter of a million copies in the United States, not including the British edition or the nearly twenty translations into such languages as German, French, Dutch, Swedish, and Japanese, and not to mention the many underground editions produced in Eastern Europe before the fall of the iron curtain.
After thirty-two printings in the United States, The Road to Serfdom has established itself alongside the works of Alexis de Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill, and George Orwell for its timeless meditation on the relation between individual liberty and government authority. This fiftieth anniversary edition, with a new introduction by Milton Friedman, commemorates the enduring influence of The Road to Serfdom on the ever-changing political and social climates of the twentieth century, from the rise of socialism after World War II to the Reagan and Thatcher "revolutions" in the 1980s and the transitions in Eastern Europe from communism to capitalism in the 1990s.
F. A. Hayek (1899-1992), recipient of the Medal of Freedom in 1991 and co-winner of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1974, was a pioneer in monetary theory and the principal proponent of libertarianism in the twentieth century.
On the first American edition of The Road to Serfdom:
"One of the most important books of our generation. . . . It restates for our time the issue between liberty and authority with the power and rigor of reasoning with which John Stuart Mill stated the issue for his own generation in his great essay On Liberty. . . . It is an arresting call to all well-intentioned planners and socialists, to all those who are sincere democrats and liberals at heart to stop, look and listen."—Henry Hazlitt, New York Times Book Review, September 1944
"In the negative part of Professor Hayek's thesis there is a great deal of truth. It cannot be said too often—at any rate, it is not being said nearly often enough—that collectivism is not inherently democratic, but, on the contrary, gives to a tyrannical minority such powers as the Spanish Inquisitors never dreamt of."—George Orwell, Collected Essays
Customer Reviews:
A great examination of classical liberal principles.......2007-09-27
In the 'Road to Serfdom' Hayek has provided a lucid, thoughtful examination of the virtues of classical liberalism and the vices of socialism. His first-hand experience and historical understanding of the development of socialism and its common end in totalitarianism is a timeless lesson for any student of politics.
Greatest Book ever.......2007-09-10
This is by far the greatest book of political philosophy I have ever read. A must read, more so know than when it was written.
Conservative comments during the birth of socialism.......2007-09-06
This book details the bankruptcy of socialism and liberalism from its inception. YOu must read this before you read Coulter, Walter Williams, etc. He was way ahead of the curve.
I have not looked at politics the same since..........2007-08-28
If I recommend a book(s) to a friend this one is included. This book promotes free market ideas without using the crutch that they are more effective. At the same time Hayek realizes the need for wise governance that may intervene in economic affairs. The Road to Serfdom is written to protect us from stumbling into tyranny, as the German people did, by giving our government great economic power.
Hayek needs to be properly understood, not propagandized........2007-07-18
As far as these endless political arguments go, this is an old book used by some to light the fuse anew. As a literary piece it is a fine document from a much troubled time, but its supposed ideology is being often somewhat misrepresented. A couple of things are getting missed by the average politically motivated (well, american anyway) reviewer on this one. Despite the universality of the main thesis (that state control of a variety of aspects and enterprise, whether legally and constitutionally worded and believed in as being paramount for the benefit of the citizenry, or simply as the outcome of benevolent governance, is a way of stripping man of his means to be free), the logic of the application of this rationale is deeply affected by its placement in its moment in history. It is the case therefore that all surmisings on parallel likelihoods must be thus affected.
Hayek's main concept, whether applied to Nazi Germany, Bolshevik Russia or Rancidville's (ok, I mean Crawford's!!) Americana is notionally correct. Once you hand a right of power which can be used to create fear and subservience over to any government (unless it is populated by the likes of Voltaire and John Stuart Mill and Thomas Jefferson and maybe Seneca and Bob Dylan!) historical precedent suggests that said governance is most likely going to resist lightly handing that power back, and in many cases, given human nature's inherent uglinesses and the dead-heart ability to reason as if opponents are practically subhuman, will use this power to help build and create other power accretions which are cumulatively more restrictive and repugnant to any opposing notion of individuality.
The fallacy of utilizing Hayek as some theorist of Capitalist Corporation related governance, as some reviewers are effortlessly indulging their lucky selves, is of course, very importantly for Americans and the Western World in this day and age, that this work and its proofs are being co-opted (sociologically) as a type of political documentation of theory, and NOT necessarily anymore as, first and foremost, an economic one. The problem with this is that this makes no sense as a parameter to be viewed as the first cobblestone on the road to Serfdom which Hayek saw. Why? Because most western governments ALREADY HAVE the power to allocate and spend their exchequer funding in whatever manner they choose. Should they seek to use the majority of this largesse primarially to foster a certain notion of economic growth, or to fund basic services for the poorer of their citizenry is certainly a matter for some rational economic debate as to which instance in each case is the correct course, and where ultimately the more benefit for society lies. But it is not a matter for the same political debate as the question of what exactly it may be which leads us back along that road to serfdom.
Hayek's thesis bases itself upon varietal factors which emanated widely in the period of instability when his work was written. His thesis that central economic planning tends toward government control of the citizen's life, and therefore toward the totalitarian state, can and should be viewed as a particular of its time. Hayek would have (most likely) been the first to also accept the competing theory that this state of affairs (governmental control of freedom) is as possible in a completely unregulated society, where law is over-ruled by the wealthy and powerful when it best suits their interests. The functioning of the economic state is therefore possible at all points between, as a function of the working of a free and good society. What is required alongside it, are honorable men, who would rather use tax largesse for the betterment of the poor than the reasonless bombing of some other poor.
A final surmising on this could be stated thus:
A man who lives freely in a reasonably well policed society where law is defined between a time trusted combination of government and jurisprudence and the rationale of the individual life, is not a man who lives in a society where the law is to be defined by some combination of a government (where the members believe they are receiving messages from some word called God, and acting accordingly) and jurisprudence and the rationale of living an individual's life... etc ...
My assumption, for what it is worth, is that Hayek would join me in viewing such a society as itself being already somewhere back on the road to serfdom.
Book Description
An unimpeachable classic work in political philosophy, intellectual and cultural history, and economics, The Road to Serfdom has inspired and infuriated politicians, scholars, and general readers for half a century. Originally published in 1944—when Eleanor Roosevelt supported the efforts of Stalin, and Albert Einstein subscribed lock, stock, and barrel to the socialist program—The Road to Serfdom was seen as heretical for its passionate warning against the dangers of state control over the means of production. For F. A. Hayek, the collectivist idea of empowering government with increasing economic control would lead not to a utopia but to the horrors of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.
First published by the University of Chicago Press on September 18, 1944, The Road to Serfdom garnered immediate, widespread attention. The first printing of 2,000 copies was exhausted instantly, and within six months more than 30,000 books were sold. In April 1945, Reader’s Digest published a condensed version of the book, and soon thereafter the Book-of-the-Month Club distributed this edition to more than 600,000 readers. A perennial best seller, the book has sold 400,000 copies in the United States alone and has been translated into more than twenty languages, along the way becoming one of the most important and influential books of the century.
With this new edition, The Road to Serfdom takes its place in the series The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek. The volume includes a foreword by series editor and leading Hayek scholar Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought. Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added helpful new explanatory notes. Supplemented with an appendix of related materials ranging from prepublication reports on the initial manuscript to forewords to earlier editions by John Chamberlain, Milton Friedman, and Hayek himself, this new edition of The Road to Serfdom will be the definitive version of Friedrich Hayek's enduring masterwork.
Customer Reviews:
What a wonderful book........2007-07-07
I always am skeptical about experts and their predictions so it was a delight to read Hayek's thoughts in 1944 about the problems with the prevailing economic theories. Life becomes the "answer key" about who was right and who was wrong. I started reading the book because of its historical importance but ended up enjoying Hayek's conversational and relaxed style. Thoughtful and balanced with the right mix of personal and societal examples. It seems that he would have been a wonderful teacher.
Definitive Indeed!.......2007-05-05
This new edition of the RTS is worth buying even if you already own an earlier edition. The editor has included important material on how this book was developed and interpreted.
As for the book itself, the Road to Serfdom explains focuses on the rise of totalitarianism in twentieth century Europe. Yet it also made a more general argument concerning the incompatibility of democracy and comprehensive central planning. Hayek argues that the pursuit of socialist ideals leads to totalitarianism. While socialist ideals seem noble to many, those who persist in realizing these ideals will find it necessary to adopt coercive methods that are incompatible with freedom. Thus socialists must choose between their egalitarian goals and the preservation of individual liberty.
Hayek describes how Europeans came to expect progress, and became impatient for faster progress. The liberal reforms of the 19th century delivered unprecedented economic progress. Much of this was directly due to scientific discovery. The role of free competition in promoting scientific discovery was less obvious. Europeans increasingly came to believe that scientific planning of society itself could accelerate greater progress.
Europeans also changed how they thought about equality and freedom. Insistence upon freedom from want displaced the yearning for freedom from coercion. Democracy came to be seen as a means of realizing an increasing number of social goals, rather than as a means of preserving freedom. To Hayek, these were dangerous errors. Democracy could only work effectively in areas where agreement upon ultimate ends could be attained with little difficulty. A democratic government could enforce general rules of conduct that applied to all equally (i.e. free speech and free association). Democracy can never produce agreement over policies that affect specific economic results. One always gains at the expense of others in such matters. Such Economic planning places impossible demands upon democracy. This is because pursuit of specific ends requires timely and decisive action. Democracies move too slowly to attain specific ends, so arbitrary powers of government will grow. A planned economy will ultimately require acceptance of dictatorship. This is a dire consequence, as it is the worst sort of tyrants who are most adept at wielding dictatorial powers.
Some might say that these arguments are unduly pessimistic. Hayek points to the examples of Hitler and Stalin to support his case. Of course, these are worst case scenarios. Have not England, Sweden, and the US adopted large welfare-regulatory states without such tyranny? This is a fair point, yet we should remember two things. First, Hayek claimed that centralized control of the economy would destroy freedom ultimately, but gradually. Second, Western nations have not yet gone as far in planning their economies as did Russia and Germany in the 1930's. The fact that we have yet realized the horrible results of Stalinism implies neither that were are safe from despotism in the future, nor that our present situation is entirely satisfactory. One can easily argue that we have already started on the wrong path. For instance, Hayek's chapter on `The End of Truth' applies to modern political correctness.
Hayek wrote this book not only to warn people about the limits of democracy and the incompatibility of planning and freedom. This was the start of his project concerning the abuse of reason. His warning is also about the tendency to overestimate the abilities of even the best and brightest individuals. Not even the best and brightest can comprehend modern societies. Socialists who favor comprehensive planning, and even modern liberals and conservatives who want to plan part of society, proceed on a false assumption concerning human reason. Ultimately, Hayek makes a strong case for limited constitutional government. To expect more of democracy than what Madison and Jefferson intended invites disaster.
The Road to Serfdom is a profound defense of commercial society and limited government. The RTS also is where Hayek started his 'abuse of reason' project. To fully appreciate Hayek's genius in the RTS, one should read his subsequent books in this project- The Constitution of Liberty and Law Liberty and Legislation V1-3.
The RTS has its critics, mainly on the left. Due to its insightful nature the Road to Serfdom has produced hysterical responses from the left. Leftists despise the RTS simply because it strikes at the core of both democratic-socialist or Marxist beliefs. Some serious scholars have attacked the RTS (i.e. Farrant and Levy) but their objections are misguided. The Road to Serfdom stands out as a true classic, as timeless as it is insightful. Read it completely and repeatedly.
Average customer rating:
- Classic Look for a Classic Book
|
The Road to Serfdom
F. A .Hayek
Manufacturer: Gryphon Editions
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Leather Bound
ASIN: B000KI4ED6 |
Product Description
BRAND NEW leather bound book accented with gilt! ! Considered the most important of Hayek's works THE ROAD TO SERFDOM warned a depression weary West of the dangers of socialism, collectivism, and central planning. Hayek's words are as important today as they were when published around the outbreak of World War II
Customer Reviews:
Classic Look for a Classic Book.......2007-08-10
The leather boound edition of the Road to Serfdom is a 'must have' for any extensive home library on Austrian economics. Perhaps someday there will be leather bound editions of Human Action and Capital and Interest.
As for the content of this book, the Road to Serfdom explains the rise of totalitarianism in early twentieth century Europe. Yet it also made a more general argument concerning the limits of democracy and human reason. In particular, Hayek argues that the pursuit of socialist ideals leads to totalitarianism. While these ideals seem noble to many, those who persist in realizing these ideals will find it necessary to adopt coercive methods that are incompatible with freedom. Thus socialists must choose between their egalitarian goals and the preservation of individual liberty.
Hayek describes how Europeans came to expect progress, and became impatient for faster progress. The liberal reforms of the 19th century delivered unprecedented economic progress. Much of this was directly due to scientific discovery. The role of free competition in promoting scientific discovery was less obvious. Europeans increasingly came to believe that scientific planning of society itself could accelerate greater progress.
Europeans also changed how they thought about equality and freedom. Insistence upon freedom from want displaced the yearning for freedom from coercion. Democracy came to be seen as a means of realizing an increasing number of social goals, rather than as a means of preserving freedom. To Hayek, these were dangerous errors. Democracy could only work effectively in areas where agreement upon ultimate ends could be attained with little difficulty. A democratic government could enforce general rules of conduct that applied to all equally (i.e. free speech and free association). Democracy can never produce agreement over policies that affect specific economic results. One always gains at the expense of others in such matters. Such Economic planning places impossible demands upon democracy. This is because pursuit of specific ends requires timely and decisive action. Democracies move too slowly to attain specific ends, so arbitrary powers of government will grow. A planned economy will ultimately require acceptance of dictatorship. This is a dire consequence, as it is the worst sort of tyrants who are most adept at wielding dictatorial powers.
Some might say that these arguments are unduly pessimistic. Hayek points to the examples of Hitler and Stalin to support his case. Of course, these are worst case scenarios. Have not England, Sweden, and the US adopted large welfare-regulatory states without such tyranny? This is a fair point, yet we should remember two things. First, Hayek claimed that centralized control of the economy would destroy freedom ultimately, but gradually. Second, Western nations have not yet gone as far in planning their economies as did Russia and Germany in the 1930's. The fact that we have yet realized the horrible results of Stalinism implies neither that were are safe from despotism in the future, nor that our present situation is entirely satisfactory. One can easily argue that we have already started on the wrong path. For instance, Hayek's chapter on `The End of Truth' applies to modern political correctness.
Hayek wrote this book not only to warn people about the limits of democracy and the incompatibility of planning and freedom. This was the start of his project concerning the abuse of reason. His warning is also about the tendency to overestimate the abilities of even the best and brightest individuals. Not even the best and brightest can comprehend modern societies. Socialists who favor comprehensive planning, and even modern liberals and conservatives who want to plan part of society, proceed on a false assumption concerning human reason. Ultimately, Hayek makes a strong case for limited constitutional government. To expect more of democracy than what Madison and Jefferson intended is to risk disaster. This edition makes the RTS look like the classic it is.
As for the content of this book, the Road to Serfdom is a profound defense of individual liberty. This book has its critics, mainly on the left. Yet this is due to its insightful nature. The Road to Serfdom has produced hysterical responses from the left simply because it strikes at the core of both democratic-socialist and Marxist beliefs. The Road to Serfdom stands out as a true classic, as timeless as it is insightful.
Average customer rating:
- Not Much Cause For Optimism
- The rise and fall of collectivism
- A good book for disillusioned liberals
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The Road from Serfdom: The Economic and Political Consequences of the End of Communism
Robert Skidelsky
Manufacturer: Penguin (Non-Classics)
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Binding: Paperback
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John Maynard Keynes: 1883-1946: Economist, Philosopher, Statesman
ASIN: 0140242198 |
Amazon.com
At the onset of the Cold War in 1944, Friedrich A. Hayek wrote his classic book The Road to Serfdom to warn that central planning threatens freedom. Now Robert Skidelsky, author of an acclaimed biography of John Maynard Keynes, looks at the havoc central planning has wrought since then. Despite the seeming chaos of the post-communist world, Skidelsky argues that the global failure and collapse of collectivism as a principle of social organization is one of the most hopeful events of the 20th century. His book elegantly combines recent history and economics to make the case. Hayek would have loved it.
Customer Reviews:
Not Much Cause For Optimism.......2006-05-11
The title of "The Road from Serfdom" was styled after "The Road to Serfdom" (1944) by economist F.A. Hayek.
When the Soviet Union collapsed in December 1991, Russia was on the verge of both hyperinflation and mass starvation. So the reins were loosened. This book examines the consequences of the "end of Communism."
The author warned of the danger of a collapse back into collectivism, and worse yet, he pointed out that the West has been edging toward that system too.
"Former Communist countries-victims of decades of desolation-were being invited to join a Western capitalist community which was itself sick."
Although collectivism was discredited throughout the world, it still has powerful promoters in the West. "Many, perhaps most, on the Left regret the defeat of Communism."
Perhaps people who fancy themselves "progressives" want to emulate the Soviet system minus its Stalinist features. However, as Hayek pointed out, you can't have central planning minus Stalinism. Central planning curtails freedom, and the terror is what allows that system to work. The Soviets killed tens of millions of their own citizens.
In the USA, our laws and traditions once set limits to what the state could do, but now we deferentially bow to the superior wisdom of the state. Many people are suckers for the promises of the Great Society, the welfare state, the growth of government entitlements, public ownership, central planning, class warfare, soaking the rich, and schemes to redistribute wealth.
The USA has experienced a transition from rural to urban life, from family firms to large corporations. The capitalist system manifested shortcomings such as the robber barons, predatory monopolies, and a cold-hearted view toward the welfare of employees. People sought to combat the despotic power of the employer by establishing the despotic power of the state, which was then purchased by despotic financiers.
"Some aspects of the modern state's role seem to hark back to earlier times when the wealth of subjects and foreigners alike was considered fit for rulers to command at will, for their greater power, splendor, and prestige. Tribute or revenue economies are support systems for the ruler and his servants. In the 20l century there has been a massive swing back toward the Revenue Economy."
This book gives us every reason to suspect that we may see the "capitalist" system again keeping wages at the subsistence level.
There's lots of interesting information here, but this book is poorly organized, and its contents don't support the author's optimism.
The rise and fall of collectivism.......2004-12-28
'Where to draw the borders of the state?' is the central question of this book.
Keynes's autobiographer explains perfectly the essential differences between collectivism and classic liberalism.
He sees the reason for the attraction of collectivism in World War I, where political and economical life was directed by the state. The war itself gave also the opportunity for collectivists to seize power.
The collectivist system in the USSR showed in the beginning at least a mixed success, certaily when compared to a West in deep trouble (the Great Depression).
But ultimately the system collapsed, because investments became unprofitable and irrational (a nail of one ton was as good as millions of nails) and also because productivity growth was discouraged.
After the collapse, a liberal shock therapy was implemented which the author explains very well, but he sweeps the human side of the change (vast unemployment and a steep drop in the living standard) under the rug.
The failure of collectivism led to the mistaken view that everything should be left to market forces. But monetarism showed also its limits with failures in the capital and labour markets.
For the author, a liberal democracy is not the ideological endpoint of history (Fukuyama's pipedream). Keynes's remedy of state intervention is far from dead.
A lot happened after the publication of the book: the Euro became a reality; the EU was enlarged (but farm subsidies not lowered); Russia became authoritarian and China an economic world player.
The author pins his hope on the pacifying potential of economic freedom and on mini-computerization with its tremendous influence on human freedom.
This book is an excellent analysis of an extremely important economic failure.
Not to be missed.
A good book for disillusioned liberals.......1998-08-04
Thirty years ago I would have identified myself as "A" liberal. Now I say I am liberal, but I can't identify with modern-day liberalism. Sometimes I say that I am a 19th century liberal. Until I read this book, I found this confusing.
The author shows that liberalism has been co-opted by collectivists (socialists) who have perverted the original liberal ideal.
Skidelsy's analysis of historians, philosopers, sociologists, and priests is exquisite (p. 163), and his conclusion about the difference between capitalist democracies and communist countries is profound (p. 196).
Liberalism was originally an ideal that promised to liberate people from supersition, servitude, and ignorance. It has turned into a system that is having the opposite affect.
I infer from this reading that there is a natural tension between the halves and the half nots. However, economists and social planners are just a bunch of thirds.
This a book well worth reading.
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Camino de servidumbre / The Road to Serfdom: Tax free (El Libro De Bolsillo / the Pocket Book)
Friedrich A. Hayek
Manufacturer: Alianza
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Hayek's serfdom revisited: Essays by economists, philosophers, and political scientists on The road to serfdom after 40 years (CIS readings)
Manufacturer: Centre for Independent Studies
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