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- Proponent Who Stays Generally Fair
- shrill
- Keep away
- Relies too much on anecdotal evidence
- Even good for a course
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In Defense of Globalization
Jagdish Bhagwati
Manufacturer: Oxford University Press, USA
ProductGroup: Book
Binding: Paperback
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Similar Items:
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Globalization and Its Discontents
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Why Globalization Works (Yale Nota Bene)
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The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time
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Development as Freedom
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Making Globalization Work
ASIN: 0195300033 |
Book Description
In the passionate debate that currently rages over globalization, critics have been heard blaming it for a host of ills afflicting poorer nations, everything from child labor to environmental degradation and cultural homogenization. Now Jagdish Bhagwati, the internationally renowned economist, takes on the critics, revealing that globalization, when properly governed, is in fact the most powerful force for social good in the world today. Drawing on his unparalleled knowledge of international and development economics, Bhagwati explains why the "gotcha" examples of the critics are often not as compelling as they seem. With the wit and wisdom for which he is renowned, Bhagwati convincingly shows that globalization is part of the solution, not part of the problem.
Customer Reviews:
Proponent Who Stays Generally Fair.......2007-08-10
When I started this book I was prepared to dislike it. I've read several books criticizing globalization and I generally view globalizations cheerleaders as corporate tools. The book started weak but finished strong and I've decided to divide my review up into the Good, the Bad and the Ugly or in this case the Bad, the Ugly and the Good.
The Bad
The author has a tendency to absolve globalization of all ills unless a direct cause and effect can be drawn. For example, he writes that although pollution is a global problem it's not necessarily a problem of globalization. Unfortunately the environmental cost of filling your cart at Wal-Mart with items shipped from around the world is real and irrefutably a result of globalization. The author also takes a rather condescending swipe at the concept of sustainable development.
Besides ecological damage perhaps the number one danger of unrestrained capitalism is the concentration of wealth, however, Mr. Bhagwati prefers to look at the upside of obscene opulence stating that a billionaire like Bill Gates, having more money than he can possibly spend, donates the bulk of his fortune towards social good. The way I see it for every Bill Gates there's a dozen Scaife's, Coors' and Murdoch's using their fortunes to manipulate government for their own ends. Even if the world WAS filled with benevolent billionaires like Gates do the rest of us really want to be dependent on the handouts of the ultra-wealthy like mana from Heaven? No thanks.
The Ugly
Jagdish Bhagwati only quotes occasionally but one person who makes it into the book is Tom Delay. It's clear throughout the book that the author leans to the right of center but quoting such a toxic jerk to defend globalizations really leaves me questioning the author's judgment. Another thing that really bothered me was his implication that Chilean president Salvador Allende brought the coup, which ended his life, on himself by choosing `to move dramatically to the left'.
The final is a biggie. Mr. Bhagwati defends sweatshops by claiming that the workers WANT to work half days or more. He quotes a Hong Kong factory manager who says, "It's actually pretty annoying how hard they want to work. It means we have to worry about security and have a supervisor around almost constantly." I don't even know how to respond to that one.
The Good
Mr. Bhagwati does recognize and admit many of the problems of globalization particularly the asymmetry of justice in the WTO dispute mechanism which favors the powerful. The issue is that poor countries really have no means of retaliating against wealthy countries that break trade agreements. Another issue is the way the Adam Smith `invisible hand' proponents' work to crib the system in their favor. Businesses and conservatives want to see restrictions eliminated on multinationals but then turn right around and beg for subsidies. The cozy relationship between business and politics has moved into very unhealthy territory and the author astutely points out that what we in the United States call lobbying is referred to by a different name elsewhere, bribery.
I was glad to see that the author is no cheerleader for right wing economic theories. He recognizes that freeing capital can only happen after regulatory institutions, particularly a stable, relatively corruption free banking system is in place. I was also pleased by the authors claim that, "As a citizen of the United States, I weigh in on the side of environmentalists and am rooting for them to win." Finally Mr. Bhagwati referred to supply-sider as `bad-economists' which really scored points with me.
It's a fairly good book hurt by some really bad points. Mr. Bhagwati is no right wing globalization flag waver but likewise he seems to put more faith in multinationals than they perhaps deserve. As pro-globalization books go this one is worth reading.
shrill.......2007-04-30
This is a standard defense of globalization and free trade, similar to what you would read in Why Globalization Works (Yale Nota Bene), Making Globalization Work or The Return of Depression Economics. But I recommend any of those books over this one because none of them are as shrill as this one. Bhagwati is not above ad hom attacks, and he chases a few rabbits too many.
Of course he has earned the right to his opinions, having been an influential economist for many decades. But we'll have to forgive him for some crankiness, perhaps because he's just that tired of having to defend free trade against mindless criticisms, or perhaps because he's getting too old for patience and diplomacy.
Keep away.......2007-02-18
A horrible defence of globalization. Ad hominem. Dimmening the big picture by giving small, biased examples.
The first 50 pages and a few random excepts had me determined that the author is so evil that I don't even want to read the whole book.
There's also a lot of stating the obvious. The transitions from one issue to another are annoyingly long. Too dumbed-down for me...
Relies too much on anecdotal evidence.......2007-01-23
While I don't have a generally negative attitude towards globalization, I was disappointed by this book. My hope was to find a scientific argument that puts what seems to be fragmentary and anecdotal evidence against globalization in perspective. Instead, the author simply counters anecdotal evidence by other anecdotal evidence. For instance, he uses the example of his own maid to argue that migrant women, who leave their home countries and children behind, often do so voluntarily. This is a game which, as reviewer Baumgartner points out, can be played ad infinitum, but ultimately leaves the reader with no new insight.
Even good for a course.......2007-01-06
I read this book for a class titled Economics of Globalization. ALthough I did not have to read all of it, it was well-written enough and interesting enough that I will soon read the parts I missed. The author does a very good job presenting the evidence and his view. If more people read globalization books such as this one, perhaps less would be scared of the change and look more for ways to peacefully adapt and prepare them selves.
Book Description
Marshalling facts and the latest research findings, the author systematically refutes the adversaries of globalization, markets, and progress. This book will change the debate on globalization in this country and make believers of skeptics.
Customer Reviews:
Informative and optimistic perspective on the direction of the world.......2007-04-10
In Defence of global capitalism was, for me, not just an argument for opening up borders and liberalizing economies. It was a statement about the direction of the world. It gives you a well documented, optimistic yet reflected view of the development of the world as a whole the past 50 years and similar prospects for the years ahead. It is a strong argument against the anti-globalist movement who tenaciously seems to argue that the world is slowly going down the drain.
A must for anyone who want facts and numbers to support liberalist views.
Short Course in Common Sense.......2007-03-15
If you want to know how to rid the world of poverty and oppression, answers can be found in this powerful little book. No matter your politics or world view, you'll want to read In Defense of Global Capitalism for the way it is written. Presented as a series of short logical arguments, Norberg shows, in clear concise English and very simple charts, the correlation between economic freedom and prosperity, not just economic prosperity but longer lives, better nutrition, higher education, better working conditions and an improved environment. A smart book, easy to read and easy to understand; give it to a friend.
A must-read if you want to understand why the world is getting better.......2006-07-13
Johan Norberg makes a detailed but clear dissection of the factors that are making the world a better place through increasing global free economy, and the reasons why liberal ("social") policy is not making things any better in countries ruled by populist governments or dictatorships. Honestly, one of the best books I have read in years and a must-read for people who want to understand what has to be done to get rid of poverty and oppression all over the world!
A libertarian view of free trade and economic freedom.......2006-07-11
I was familiar with most of the issues and arguments and evidence presented in this book, but loved it because the book takes an unusual tact in defending capitalism and free trade. Most defenses focus on the good achieved by capitalist societies in terms of wealth and well-being, and this book does hit those topics. This book takes a different angle though that I found incredibly compelling which is to argue the issue from the point of view of liberty.
What an individual does with their property is their business, and almost every issue's first defense in this books was to point out that protectionism, hyperregulation, and scores of other anti-capitalist positions espoused by the left worldwide are in fact all abridgements of individual liberty.
Only after making those points does the author go on to refute (usually quite capably) the 'greater good' arguments that anti-capitalists use to justify their positions.
One issue I was hoping would be better addressed was the protectionist view that wealthy countries are injured when trading freely with poorer countries. The author does go into that, but only touches that base briefly, and not resoundingly enough to sway the skeptical. Instead he argues principally from the perspective of someone interested in how to lift the world's poor out of poverty, which is a fine position, but convincing rich country protectionists is a necessary step along those lines.
Some corrections.......2005-12-04
"Personally I'm in favor of democracy, which means that the central institutions in the society have to be under popular control. A democracy where people have a say over decisions TO THE EXTENT they are affected by those decisions."
And do you actually have a say over the hundreds of thousands of regulations on the books right now? Or the requirements for occupational licensure (many of which include price floors)? Even if you did have a say, a plurality might be against you and win thus screwing you of your home (i.e. emminent domain).
"Now, under capitalism we can't have democracy by definition."
Sure we can, we can have democracy of the consumers who actually consume, purchase, and use goods and services. The most successful businesses are those that can please enough customers. Even a small niche of people can be pleased by things like tatoo parlors, jewelry shops, skateboarders, bikers, sports enthusiasts of any stripe, etc.
"Capitalism is a system in which the central institutions of society are in principle under autocratic control. Thus, a corporation or an industry is, if we were to think of it in political terms, fascist; that is, it has tight control at the top and strict obedience has to be established at every level -- there's a little bargaining, a little give and take, but the line of authority is perfectly straightforward. Just as I'm opposed to political fascism, I'm opposed to economic fascism."
In a truly free market, there is no economic fascism, since there is private competition between so many sellers of goods and services (it's government intervention that reduces choices though and leads to monopolies and oligopolies). It's in socialism, where everything is in monopoly control, and you're forced to pay for it, irregardless of how inneficient or useless you find it, where we're in real danger and we have real economic fascism. The public schools would be a form of economic fascism for instance they didn't allow private schools to exist.
"I think that until major institutions of society are under the popular control of participants and communities, it's pointless to talk about democracy."
So when does legal institutions and police force get put in the sole power of one corporation in free-markets?
"Participatory economics (PARECON) is the way to go."
What do you think that you're engaging in when you choose to work at another job, gain skills to improve yourself for a higher paying job, or when you shop around to find different prices (cheaper usually)? Or do you mean where the workers control all industry (even that which they don't work in) and force consumer to pay, irregardless?
I'd love to see centralized power eliminated, whether it's the state or the economy, and have it diffused and ultimately under direct control of the participants. Moreover, I think that's entirely realistic.
No, it's entirely magical because you can't have direct control under all the recipients in increasingly larger groups since there's less space to all meet, debate, and more differences of opinion.
"Every bit of evidence that exists (there isn't much) seems to show, for example, that workers' control increases efficiency."
No, because many workers don't have the intellectual skills that the owners of successful business do. And historically many labor unions oppossed the introduction of more efficient technology or ways of doing things.
IF I OWN A CORPORATION, I'M FORCING PEOPLE TO WORK FOR ME OR STARVE (OR WORK FOR SOME OTHER CEO WHO WILL OFFER THE SAME)
THAT "FREEDOM OF CHOICE" IS NOT AT ALL. THAT'S WHAT USED TO BE CALLED 'WAGE SLAVERY" IN MORE CIVILIZED TIMES, NOT VERY DIFFERENT FROM CHATTEL SLAVERY. THAT'S WHY "THOSE WHO WORK IN THE MILLS SHOULD OWN THEM"
What about starting up their own businesses? Or selling themselves off as an entertainer, artist, writer, etc. In a regulate markert, people can hardly start their own businesse, but in a free market, one can start one on scratch, or on the side of another job. The ones who work in mills didn't work their own asses off in life to be able to purchase them, start up the business from scratch, and provide the brainpower that made them successful. Also, you can gain skills, learn new things, and move up in many positions. Many of the so-called "robber barons" came from dirt poor beginnings after all. And in a truly free-market, there is many choices, which can lead to higher wages by many companies (McDonald's for instance provides some money for their employee's college tuition).
A corporation is a form of private tyranny.
Is a small business (which a corporation starts off as) or a private business a form of private tyranny also?
"Its directors have a responsibility to increase profit and market share, not to do good works. If they fail that responsibility, they will be removed."
And they can't force consumers to pay, therefore they need to find ways of creating things that people want.
"They have some latitude for public relations purposes, and the talk about corporate responsibility falls within that territory. But it makes no sense to regard them as benevolent institutions, freed from their institutional role."
It makes no sense to regard them and all businesses as inherently malevolent institutions either.
It is a public responsibility to enforce decent behavior. CORPORATIONS HAVE A LEGAL OBLIGATION, A DUTY TO MAXIMIZE PROFIT. THAT'S IT.
Actually, they don't, but they'll go under if they don't. And profit is what directs all business towards actions that create better products and services.
"CREATING GOOD PRODUCTS, OR PRODUCT THAT ARE GOOD FOR THE ENVIRONMENT, OR PROVIDING PEOPLE'S WANTS, OR WHaTEVER IS INCIDENTAL, NOT NECESSARILY A CONCOMITANT. SO IF COPORATIONS, FOR EXAMPLE, DO ANYTHING FOR THE ENVIRONMENT, IT'S JUST BECAUSE THERE IS A DEMAND BY THOSE WHO CAN AFFORD TO PAY.
THE SECOND THE DEMAND ENDS, OR THOSE WHO CARE DON'T HAVE MONEY TO DEMAND"
And since when is environmentally safe things not in demand, except by those that oppose new technologies. Plus, pollution is an unintended by-product of industry, but as people find ways to innovate, they almost unintentionally create safer products that are better for the environment.
"THERE WON'T BE ANY MORE PRODUCTS THAT ARE GOOD FOR THE ENVIRONMENT. IT'S A RESULT OF THE MARKET FORCES, WHICH ARE NOT DEMOCRATIC."
Sure they are. People are always looking for a good deal, better service, cheaper goods, better quality of life, a better paying job, etc. It's just that it's more subtle than direct and market forces are directly responsible for the creation of wealth, abundance, peace, and prosperity in a society as a whole.
"THEY ARE PLUTOCRATIC (ONE DOLLAR ONE VOTE) IT'S NOT ABOUT SERVING THE MOST PEOPLE, BUT SERVING THOSE WITH MOST OF THE MONEY."
No actually, it's about serving the most people, since those that help out more people get better profits. For instance many people like Wal-Mart since it provide cheap affordable goods and services. That's why Wal-Mart became so successful in the first place. John D. Rockefeller was able to find a way to refine more oil, which made it cheaper to rich and poor people alike, making him rich, and Henry Ford was able to adopt mass-production technologies in creating automobiles, which made it cheaper for society as a whole to buy one, etc. They were able to help out the most people. Of course, you don't have to help out the most people. You can simply help out enough people and still make a profit.
"FOR INSTANCE, MANY PEOPLE WANT TO EAT ORGANIC FOODS, OR A SOLAR PANEL THAT WILL HELP THE ENVIRONMENT. BUT THEY CAN'T AFFORD IT."
That's because of supply and demand. There isn't a whole huge supply of solar panels (probably because Sweden makes so many of them and restrictions on international trade prevent them from coming over here at a decent price). And solar panels don't provide as much energy sometimes as oil or nuclear energy. As for organic food, it's bad for the environment. Organic food takes up much more space and land than genetically-modified food (leading to shorter supply usually and thus, more money) and most scientists (especially biologists and geneticists) believe that
organic food on the whole isn't any better really than GM food.
"IN FACT, IN THE MEDIA--WHICH ARE CORPORATIONS-- SINCE THEY MAKE THEIR MONEY FROM ADVERTISNG, THEY ADJUST THEIR AUDIENCE TO THE MORE AFFLUENT AUDIENCES WHO HAVE PURCHASING POWER AND RAISE ADVERTISING RATES. THIS UNDOUBTEDLY AFFECTS THE WAY THEY REPORT, BECAUSE THEY DON'T WANT TO LOSE ADS TO OTHER NEWSPAPERS. CORPORATIONS ARE EXTERNALIZING MACHINES-- THEY MAKE OTHER PEOPLE PAY FOR THEIR ENVIRONMENTAL DESTRUCTION, THEIR MISTREATMENT OF WORKERS"
Actually most of them don't. Not when they privately own their own land for instance. And their mistreatment of workers is rectified by other market forces like an abundance of employment opportunities (which regulations stifle), being able to start their own business (which regulations also stifle), and adoption of better, more efficient technologies, which leads to safer workplaces and greater productivity (which leads to higher wages).
"ETC What is called "globalization" is a specific form of international integration, designed and instituted for particular purposes".
Yeah, getting cheaper goods and services to people. Which brings more wealth to people.
"There are many possible alternatives. This particular form happens to be geared to the interests of private power,"
All human beings are private individuals.
"manufacturing corporations and financial institutions, closely linked to powerful states."
They're only closely linked to powerful states when the state regulates the economy and intervenes in it.
"Effects on others are incidental. Sometimes they happen to be beneficial, often not. What is called "free trade" has highly protectionist elements. What is at issue are investor rights agreements, not free trade."
You're right on this account, but this is just proof of the problems of government intervention in the economy, not free trade, which these agreements aren't examples of.
The protestors, including the AFL-CIO, have good reasons to oppose investor rights agreements that insist on very high protection for property rights (often resulting, in fact, from taxpayer subsidy), but little or no protection for the rights of flesh-and-blood people, including rights of working people -- both in the US and in other countries.
They're rights should be the same as others. Natural, not man-made, government provided.
That's not oppostion to "free trade."
You're right, it's opposition to regulation of and intervention in the economy.
"They're mostly unaccountable to the public."
Actually they are, otherwise they fall out of business and go bankrupt probably.
"Of course they are not real persons, they are immortal,"
What about the ones that go bankrupt or swithc CEO's, etc.
"A slave in 1850 was better off than a slave in 1750.Is that a justification for slavery?"
Actually, what made slaves slaves was that they didn't have economic and personal rights to life, liberty, and property (including that of their own labor).
"After 1917 Russia underwent very significant economic growth,"
You mean during the period of the massive famines due to collectivist farms.
"He understood (like the US during WW2) that massive state expenditures can rescue a morbid capital economy from collapse. The economy was booming and Germans were living a lot better."
Check your history on this one. There were tons of shortages in Nazi Germany, which led to much of Germany's misery.
"THINGS LIKE PRIVATE SECURITY OR PUBLIC SCHOOLS ARE BEING DISMANTLED BECAUSE THEY'RE BASED ON THE PRINCIPLE THAT YOU SHOULD CARE ABOUT THE DISABLED WIDOW ACROSS THE STREET, OR ABOUT THE EDUCATION OF THE POOR KID DOWN THE BLOCK"
Since when is private security being dismantled. Notice the word private. That's a capitalist business. And the dismantling of the public schools is because they're inneficient. Public schools used far more money per student than private schools, yet go nowhere. In the U.S. we had far more litterate children when we started as a nation then we do now, yet no public education.
Book Description
Readers will find articles by more than 60 of the leading M & A practitioners, plus principles and techniques illustrated with Fortune 500 case studies. New topics include the restructuring of debt-laden corporations, issues impacting medium-sized companies, and the implications of global markets. Updated and expanded areas include new cases to illustrate growth and diversification, an in-depth treatment of selling M & As, updated tax information and banking arrangements, and more.
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Arms Unbound: The Globalization of Defense Production (Csia Studies in International Security, No 4)
David Mussington
Manufacturer: Potomac Books
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ASIN: 0028810899 |
Book Description
This book examines the growing interaction between private enterprises and public officials to challenge foreign trade barriers. Building on more than one hundred interviews with former and current trade officials and private attorneys in the United States and Europe, Gregory Shaffer calls attention to the ways in which well-organized private parties are using the World Trade Organization's legal system to advance their own commercial ambitions, and how public officials increasingly are dependent on their assistance.
Shaffer assesses the historical, political, legal, economic, and cultural factors that have affected the formation of these ad hoc public-private partnerships, as well as trends in the European Union toward U.S.-style practice. He considers the implications of these public-private trade litigation networks for the effectiveness and equity of the WTO system and the stability of U.S.-E.U. relations.
Book Description
In the passionate debate that currently rages over globalization, critics have been heard blaming it for a host of ills afflicting poorer nations, everything from child labor to environmental degradation and cultural homogenization. Now Jagdish Bhagwati, the internationally renowned economist, takes on the critics, revealing that globalization, when properly governed, is in fact the most powerful force for social good in the world today. Drawing on his unparalleled knowledge of international and development economics, Bhagwati explains why the "gotcha" examples of the critics are often not as compelling as they seem. With the wit and wisdom for which he is renowned, Bhagwati convincingly shows that globalization is part of the solution, not part of the problem. This edition features a new afterword by the author, in which he counters recent writings by prominent journalist Thomas Friedman and the Nobel Laureate economist Paul Samuelson and argues that current anxieties about the economic implications of globalization are just as unfounded as were the concerns about its social effects.
Book Description
This digital document is an article from National Defense, published by Thomson Gale on September 1, 2005. The length of the article is 1404 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Defense globalization: foreign investors in U.S. corporations navigate sea of regulations.(VIEWPOINT)
Author: George N. Grammas
Publication:
National Defense (Magazine/Journal)
Date: September 1, 2005
Publisher: Thomson Gale
Volume: 90
Issue: 622
Page: 26(2)
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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Effects of defense globalization: an examinination of current and future command and control collaborations.(research) : An article from: Defense A R Journal
Sandra P. Switzer , and
Michael A. Stropki
Manufacturer: Thomson Gale
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ASIN: B000BGDUEG
Release Date: 2005-09-15 |
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This digital document is an article from Defense A R Journal, published by Thomson Gale on April 1, 2005. The length of the article is 6434 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Effects of defense globalization: an examinination of current and future command and control collaborations.(research)
Author: Sandra P. Switzer
Publication:
Defense A R Journal (Magazine/Journal)
Date: April 1, 2005
Publisher: Thomson Gale
Volume: 12
Issue: 2
Page: 155(21)
Distributed by Thomson Gale
Book Description
This digital document is an article from Finance & Development, published by International Monetary Fund on March 1, 2004. The length of the article is 752 words. The page length shown above is based on a typical 300-word page. The article is delivered in HTML format and is available in your Amazon.com Digital Locker immediately after purchase. You can view it with any web browser.
Citation Details
Title: Globalization for one-stop shoppers.(In Defense of Globalization)(Book Review)
Author: Douglas A. Irwin
Publication:
Finance & Development (Magazine/Journal)
Date: March 1, 2004
Publisher: International Monetary Fund
Volume: 41
Issue: 1
Page: 52(1)
Article Type: Book Review
Distributed by Thomson Gale
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